Why
Good Intentions Yield Less Good Results? - A
Report from Globalization Forum in Sanya, Hainan
Province
Jin
CHEN
Perspectives,
Vol. 2, No. 4
I.
Introduction
After
a formal approval from the State Council and
months of preparation, the second annual conference
of the Globalization Forum took place from January
12 to January 14 in Sanya, the southernmost
city of China in Hainan Province. The conference
was a large scale international conference,
organized jointly by the People's Daily, the
Foundation for Globalization Cooperation (Hong
Kong) and the Ministry of Information Industry
(MII), and supported by more than twenty corporate
sponsors. More than twenty Chinese VIPs, including
a Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of
National People's Congress, a Vice Chairman
of People's Political Consultative Conference
and the Director of Foreign Affairs Office of
CPC Central Committee, attended the conference.
The conference also had tremendous support from
the top leaders of Hainan Province and Sanya
City, and it attracted more than forty foreign
officials and experts and an audience of over
four hundred people.
Under
the principle of win-win economic globalization
with equality, reciprocity and co-existence,
the conference was entitled "21st Century:
Knowledge, Innovation and Development."
The high-level official flavor of the conference
manifested in various aspects of the conference
including the speakers, the format of the conference,
the accommodation and the sightseeing routes.
In this essay, I intend to report my observations
during the conference and describe the impact
of officialdom on the contents of the discussion
and on the organization of the conference itself.
I would argue that a more relaxed way of organizing
such an international conference would work
more effectively towards the original intentions
of the organizers.
II.
Discussion Contents
Excessive
official deliberation at the conference inhibited
frank discussion and free exchange of ideas.
The more senior the Chinese officials, the more
conservative their speech styles were. Even
when the contents of their speech were very
open minded, their language was indistinguishable
from the official lines of top leaders. Chinese
academic speakers, in contrast, tended not to
read their speeches; they were a bit more open
minded and more articulate.
One
central theme, which several Chinese speakers
touched upon, was on the human aspect of globalization.
Yuan Ming, Vice President of the Institute of
International Relations of Peking University,
an internationally known Chinese scholar on
international relations, devoted her entire
speech to call for building global ethical standards.
She raised the question of how to integrate
the Oriental tradition with those good aspects
of the Western values, not with those Western
problems such as drugs and disintegration of
family as a result of extreme individualism.
Overall, Chinese speeches were generally in
line with those of the People's Daily, the official
newspaper of the Chinese Communist Party.
Although
many Chinese officials' speeches were less insightful,
some officials revealed the Communist Party's
internal adjustment on the ideological front.
Liu Ji's speech, entitled "Marxism and
Globalization," was such an example. It
reflected the Communist Party's ideological
adaptation to modern economic development without
disputing its past. (This was a strategy that
Deng Xiaoping used for his Open Door policies.
Deng quoted selectively Chairman Mao's words
such as "seeking truths from facts"
to justify his radically different policy orientation
from that of the Cultural Revolution.)
Liu
Ji has extensive experience of being in charge
of the propaganda department of the Communist
Party in Shanghai and of policy making in Beijing.
He is allegedly very close to President Jiang
Zemin. He is currently the Chairman of Chinese
Union of Mobile Communications, and is involved
in setting up a School of Business Administration
in Shanghai with complete English teaching environment
and faculty members hired directly from Europe.
In his written speech, he put an interesting
slant on Marxism and interpreted globalization
in a Marxist framework. First of all, according
to Liu, globalization would be inevitable, as
predicted by Marx in 1848 and by Lenin in 1913.
These pioneers forecasted long ago that interconnections
among different peoples would greatly increase;
national boundaries would diminish and the state
would eventually be abolished. Secondly, Liu
continued, globalization would be a timely manifestation
of the validity of Marxism. Marx said that the
means of production was the foundation; it would
determine the superstructure of social and institutional
arrangements. Now globalization would be based
on economic globalization, with web-based technology
as the premise. And the current institutional
arrangements were based on this most advanced
production means. This trend would be inevitable,
independent of anybody's will.
Thirdly,
according to Liu, globalization was Marxists'
highest aspiration, because it would benefit
most people, not a minority. While Marx said
that socialism would evolve out of advanced
capitalism, socialism in practice first occurred
in USSR, China and other less developed countries.
Nowadays, however, socialist elements would
be almost ubiquitous in most advanced capitalist
countries' public policies. Capitalist countries,
stated Liu, were becoming more and more like
socialist countries in that they would try to
break national boundaries and keep peaceful
co-existence, which should be the essence of
socialism. Marx predicted that the nation state
would disappear in a communist society and that
the world would then become a universal community.
The two world wars were manifestations and results
of the capitalist countries' competition for
markets. According to Liu Ji, worldwide allocation
of production resources had paved the way for
today's economic foundation for prosperity.
Finally,
Liu continued, globalization gave Marxism new
development and vigor on issues such as environment
protection, negative impacts of high-tech development,
distortion of humanity, decline of ethical standards
that would accompany scientific rationalism,
widening income disparity, cultural transformation
and the way people think. Liu Ji concluded that
China, as a socialist country, should actively
participate in globalization, and foreign countries
should catch this opportunity and cooperate
with China. China, along with other peace-loving
countries, should join the process of making
the rules of the game and not let only developed
countries benefit from globalization. China
should also reinvigorate and adapt Marxism to
the current trend of globalization.
Many
tougher issues regarding how China should participate
in economic globalization were raised by foreign
speakers. Professor Huang Yasheng of Harvard
Business School revealed the anomaly that China
preferred foreign investment to their own investment,
while Canadians were 20 times (1980s' estimate)
more likely to trade with themselves than with
Americans, even though these two countries were
very similar in culture. Because many efficient
Chinese firms could not get financing from banks
and faced regional trade barriers, foreign capital
served the function of bridging this financing
gap and enlarging potential markets. Professor
Huang recommended increasing the pace and scope
of domestic reforms, especially the process
of de-nationalization and establishing NASDAQ-like
stock markets to encourage trade and finance.
He also recommended decreasing state role in
distribution as well as production. In his comments
to other speakers, he pointed out the double-edged
nature of joining the WTO. He questioned whether
it would be the best time for China to join
WTO now. The current WTO trend of moving towards
social orientation in terms of emphasizing labor
standards and environmental protections would
inhibit labor intensive economies from benefiting
most from globalization; thus China should develop
internally first and foremost along those lines
he recommended above.
Professor
Huang's opinion had a rather heavy stamp of
his western education background. He paid more
attention in his analysis to the interests of
consumers rather than those of producers. As
long as Chinese consumers would benefit from
cheaper products, it was less important who
produced those products. In discussing the globalization
of the English language, Professor Huang showed
his dispassionate thinking mode and considered
English merely as a tool of communication; to
Professor Huang, it did not matter whether it
was English or another language, as long as
it was functional and commonly accepted.
Professor
Tony Saich of Kennedy School of Government of
Harvard University spoke candidly about China's
determination to join the WTO. He said that
globalization and joining the WTO should not
substitute for domestic reforms. Joining the
WTO would only be a step to achieve domestic
goals, not to dominate domestic agenda. It should
be a means not an end. China would still have
to make hard choices such as how to optimally
allocate scarce resources (e.g., whether to
spend money on poor children's education or
on a new electricity power plant). According
to Professor Saich, there would be some definitive
benefits from China's entry into the WTO, such
as China's participation in international discussions
and the global policymaking process. In addition,
joining the WTO would provide additional basis
for unifying with Taiwan.
However,
during the latest round of WTO entry negotiations,
Professor Saich pointed out, almost all concessions
were made exclusively by China, not by EU or
the US. Professor Saich was explicit about his
worries. He said that these concessions would
be formidable for China. One of the sectors
that he worried most was the financial sector,
with market determined interest rate, reduced
state administration and required high-level
transparency of rules and regulations. Political
problems could occur if these things were not
handled well. Professor Saich saw three risks
as a result of joining the WTO with extensive
concessions. Excessive unemployment could go
beyond the limit of tolerance and result in
social turbulence. If China did not lay off
so many employees, however, it would be very
hard for China to comply with the WTO rules,
and trade disputes would almost inevitably occur.
Furthermore, the US negotiated astonishing safeguard
and anti-dumping clauses to protect its own
interests. Should the US invoke them indiscriminately,
China could lose respect for the WTO and the
issue could become highly political, which could
be dangerous.
Every
speaker was well prepared for the conference,
but spontaneous, point-to-point free discussion
was lacking, partly because prepared speeches
ran too long, leaving little time for Q&A.
During working lunches, foreign and Chinese
participants tended to sit at separate tables,
except for a couple of Chinese academics who
had good command of English.
III.
Organization of the Conference
Lengthy
remarks by various officials showed up frequently
at the beginning and end of the conference and
also at each grand reception and dinner. After
the official remarks at each dinner, the Governor
of Hainan and the Mayor of Shanya, holding their
wine glasses, went around different tables and
toasted many welcoming words. There was either
performance by professional dancers and singers
or splendid fireworks during or after each grand
dinner. Enormous support from Hainan provincial
government and Sanya city government ranged
from transportation for the VIPs to conference
security. The organizers and the city and provincial
governments did their best to put this huge
conference up to international standards. An
unofficial, inconclusive estimate of the conference
cost was two million RMB ($250,000). That is
a lot of money to a lot of Chinese.
The
high-level officialdom notwithstanding, the
conference was organized in a completely western
style. It took place in two five-star hotels
in a picturesque resort area of Sanya, regarded
by some as China's Hawaii. Although isolated
from the downtown area, both of the hotels were
equipped with luxury entertainment facilities
and services. The conference covered a wide
range of topics and was divided into plenary
sessions in the mornings and round table sessions
in the afternoons. Although each meal offered
both Chinese food as well as Western food, each
was served in Western style. Occasionally one
or two foreigners showed up among Chinese waiters
to serve food to guests. How come? Because the
organizers of the conference hired several foreign
professionals to help meet international standards
in logistical details.
An
important objective of the provincial and city
governments when exerting these tremendous efforts
is to "zhao shang yin zi" (to attract
commerce and investments), i.e., to bring more
foreign tourists, attract more foreign investments,
and invigorate Hainan's economy in the context
of increasing globalization. The island of Hainan
has some natural advantages in attracting tourists
and capital. It is located at about latitude
18 degrees north of the Equator, a bit south
of Hong Kong. But the climate is not as humid
as that of Hong Kong. Its average annual temperature
is 25C. The island has very rich soil. People
say "even a chopstick in Hainan's soil
can grow into grain." It has several kinds
of birds in its original forest reserve that
only exists in Hainan Island. If marketed properly,
these birds can attract a rather large number
of bird watchers around the world to visit Hainan.
Hainan has started a nascent tourist industry,
building on its attractions such as "the
Edges of the Sky and the Corners of the Sea"
(Tian Ya Hai Jiao, a traditional Beijing-centric
view), the Southern Mountain Temple and the
"Deer Turning Its Back," all of which
were included in the designated tourist destinations
for the foreign guests of the conference. In
recent years, Hainan has built several first-class
hotels, including the Sanya Horizon Resort Hotel
where the globalization conference was held.
But
will the beautiful scenery and impressive accommodation
really "zhao shang yin zi," as the
government hoped? For a foreigner, a natural
question would be, "we have followed the
tourist route that you specifically designed
for us and have seen what you wanted us to see,
but what about those things that you didn't
let us see? We have not seen where ordinary
people live." The glamour of the conference
notwithstanding, ordinary people and ordinary
life were missing.
Normally,
one expect that street vendors selling all sorts
of handcrafts would fully occupy the vicinity
of expensive hotels in a tourist area. But here
the streets were very quiet. Why? Because street
vendors were all cleared away before this big
event. Allegedly, many of the street vendors
would be so eager to make sales that they could
annoy their potential customers by being persistent
and following them a long way. Thus they were
considered damaging to the city's image that
the government wanted to project to foreign
visitors. In order to establish the "right
image," the conference organizers managed
to remove all vendors from the streets and therefore
take away the opportunity for street vendors
to make sales to a group of visitors who had
enormous purchasing power relative to the price
level of the local handcrafts. By so doing,
the conference organizers also left the foreigners
wondering about the real picture of the city
and the island; and who would invest money in
an area where outside investors do not have
a real picture of the locality?
In
order to show that foreigners were sincerely
welcome to Hainan, many foreign visitors were
designated as VIPs and were treated differently
from ordinary people. For example, VIPs could
by-pass normal check-in procedures at the airport
and directly go to the VIP waiting lounge at
the gate. But this special treatment disturbed
the normal sense of order of some foreigners.
They did not know when to wait and when to go
forward. Especially when the receptionist's
English was not very fluent or when there were
internal coordination glitches, the foreigners
were confused. As a result, the process in the
airport took longer than it would have, and
some foreigners complained about the inefficiencies
of the Chinese organization. But this was really
a misunderstanding! Not to treat foreigners
as VIPs, not to clean up the streets, but to
reveal the ordinary Chinese life to foreigners
would disturb the traditional CHINESE sense
of order.
IV.
Conclusion
Too
much officialdom detracted the very purpose
of "attracting commerce and investments
(zhao shang yin zi). Many foreigners' impression
of this conference was in line with the main
theme of Max Weber's book The Religion of China,
written about 100 years ago. Weber compared
Confucianism with Puritanism in order to explain
why capitalism did not develop and could not
have developed in China, despite the advancement
of metal mining and population growth. He described
a prototypical Chinese and a prototypical Puritan.
The world where the Confucianist lived, according
to Weber, was full of graceful gestures. To
a Confucianist, words were beautiful and polite
gestures as an end in itself; whereas for a
Puritan words were impersonal and business-like
communications, short and reliable. Weber wrote
that the Chinese people had an absolute docility,
ceremonial piety, and a strong attachment to
the habitual.
In
Weber's view, underneath the grand gesture,
controlled politeness and unlimited patience,
there was a lack of genuine sympathy and warmth
inside a Confucianist. The Confucian ideal's
grace and dignity were expressed in fulfilling
traditional obligations and performing ceremonial
and ritualistic propriety in all circumstances
of life. Confucianism also confined and repressed
natural impulses. Weber thought that the watchful
self-control of the Confucianist was to maintain
the dignity of external gesture and manner,
i.e., to keep "face." This self-control
was of an aesthetic and essentially negative
nature. The Confucian gentleman, Weber continued,
would strive simply for dignified bearing. The
equally vigilant self-control of the Puritan
had its positive and inward aim, which would
control one's own wicked and sinful nature.
Weber thought that it was the Confucian mindset
that prevented the formation of scientific,
European-style capitalist enterprises and rational
method of organization in China. Therefore China's
tremendous density of population, calculating
mentality and self-sufficient frugality failed
to originate capitalist business conceptions,
which were rational in nature and presupposed
by modern capitalism.
Are
we repeating the same mistakes that Weber described
about 100 years ago? Despite the huge official
support, the Shanya conference was actually
what political scientists call a "Track
Two Dialogue"; i.e., it was not a dialogue
between Chinese officials and foreign officials,
in which case official decorum would be a must,
but a dialogue mainly between academics and
industry leaders with some officials' participation.
So too much officialdom in a Track Two Dialogue
would only reinforce the negative image that
Weber helped to project. A less official and
more relaxed conference would not only cost
less to the organizers; it probably would also
achieve more to the benefits of Hainan and China.
(The
author is a Marketing Manager for World Times,
a newspaper based in Boston.)