The
Innovator's Dilemma and the Future of Silicon Valley
Junfu ZHANG
Perspectives,
Vol. 3, No. 1
"Throughout
the decades,
, the Valley has constantly remade itself
just in time for the Next Big Thing
. Silicon Valley
has shown time and again that it can reinvent itself-a quality
that will be key to its survival."
-- Business Week, Aug 18-25, 1997
A.
Introduction
Silicon
Valley, the center of the high-tech industry, has become the
biggest industrial cluster in the U.S., followed by the banking
industry on Wall Street, the automobile industry in Detroit,
and the entertainment cluster in Hollywood. As a successful
model, Silicon Valley faces competitors and imitators from
all over the U.S., from Washington, DC to Seattle, Washington,
from Austin, Texas to Boston, Massachusetts. Can the Valley
keep its leading position in the future?
More
than anywhere else, the economy in Silicon Valley is driven
by continuous innovations. Firms in the Valley compete fiercely
by introducing innovations rather than cutting prices. It
has been recognized that Silicon Valley has the ability to
reinvent itself over time. This ability is not only an important
determinant in the Valley's past success but also the key
to whether it will remain a big success in the future.
By
reinvention, we mean that whenever a big technological breakthrough
happens, Silicon Valley can always "catch the wave"
and reorganize itself around the new technology. In the 1960s,
the Valley hosted a big collection of firms in the semi-conductor
industry; from the late 1970s to the 1980s, the Valley transformed
itself into a major provider of hardware and software in the
course of the PC revolution; in the 1990s, the Valley became
a leading player in the Internet economy. What's the "Next
Big Thing?" Can Silicon Valley catch it as it always
did?
Professor
Christensen (1997) at Harvard B-school wrote a national bestseller
that popularized his concept of "innovator's dilemma."
The book investigates why successful big companies are often
defeated by new comers and lose their market dominance. While
it is clear that the author is addressing to managers in successful
companies, regional economists can learn a lot from his insightful
analysis.
Following
Christensen (1997), we emphasize the distinction between sustaining
innovations and disruptive innovations in this article. Disruptive
innovations refer to those big technological or organizational
breakthroughs that revolutionize the business in a big market
or the whole industry. A region reluctant to accommodate disruptive
innovations is more likely to lag behind in Schumpeterian
competition (competition by innovation). We further argue
that big successful firms face the "innovator's dilemma":
their success in the existing market tends to prevent them
from implementing or adopting disruptive innovations. Startup
firms targeting at a niche or an emerging market are most
likely to adopt and promote disruptive innovations. We believe
that Silicon Valley was able to reinvent itself in the past
mainly because it provided a relatively favorable environment
for the formation of new firms. Likewise, the future of Silicon
Valley will be determined by its birth rate of new firms.
The higher rate at which the Valley generates new firms, the
more likely it will catch the next wave and reinvent itself
around the next big thing. Policy implications of this argument
are presented at the end.
B.
Sustaining Innovations vs. Disruptive Innovations
An
innovation refers to a new product, a new technology to produce
a product, a new way to distribute products, a new way to
provide services, or any combination of those new things.
By this definition, innovations include both technological
advances and organizational improvements.
Bower and Christensen (1995) and Christensen (1997) distinguish
between sustaining and disruptive technological changes. Although
they limit their discussion to "technological" innovations,
they define "technology" so broadly that we feel
it is possible and appropriate to extend this argument to
organizational innovations.
Sustaining innovations add incremental improvement to the
performance of a product or an organization. For example,
Microsoft introduced Windows 98 to improve upon Windows 95
and replaced Word 97 with a better Word 2000. Both Windows
98 and Word 2000 embody some sustaining innovations. When
the marketing group of a company introduces a new statistical
model to better utilize information about their customers,
it is a sustaining innovation. When Barnes & Noble finds
a cost-saving channel to ship books, it is another sustaining
innovation. In fact, sustaining innovations take place every
day throughout the economy.
Disruptive innovations emerge as a completely new product
that brings new dimensions to the existing product, or as
a completely new way to produce or distribute existing products,
or as a completely new way to provide services. Usually there
is no existing market awaiting disruptive innovations. In
the short run, disruptive innovations bring little profit
or perhaps even lose money. Professor Christensen's favorite
example is the evolution of the hard disk drive from 14 inches
diameter to 8 inches, and then to 5.25 inches, and finally
to 3.5 inches, each step representing a disruptive innovation.
"Bigger" examples are the introduction of personal
computers by Apple and many technologies coming along with
the Internet, which are so disruptive that they have changed
the whole high-tech industry. Amazon.com sets a specific example
by introducing a new way to sell books and music, which is
completely different from what Barnes & Noble was doing
traditionally.
Sustaining innovations take place frequently; disruptive innovations
emerge occasionally. Sustaining innovations push forward along
a continuous path; disruptive innovations make a quantum jump.
All firms welcome sustaining innovations, because those innovations
tend to bring more profit; successful big companies often
turn away from disruptive innovations, because those innovations
are often in conflict with their current priorities. As Christensen
(1997) points out, most successful companies failed when they
confronted with disruptive innovations. Likewise, disruptive
innovations pose big challenges to a successful high-tech
industrial center like Silicon Valley. Silicon Valley could
fail if it misses the next big thing, which, by definition,
must be a big disruptive innovation.
C.
The Innovator's Dilemma
Christensen (1997) writes about the failure of companies to
stay atop their industries when they confront certain types
of market and technological changes. As the author emphasizes,
"[the book is] not about the failure of simply any company,
but of good companies - the kinds that many managers have
admired and tried to emulate, the companies known for their
abilities to innovate and execute." His conclusion is
that successful companies often fail because of the very management
practices that have allowed them to become industry leaders.
Those practices make it extremely difficult for them to develop
or adopt the disruptive technologies that ultimately steal
away their markets. It is a dilemma because companies fail
for the same reason they succeeded. This is, in spirit, similar
to Schumpeter's famous thesis that capitalism will fail because
of its success. While there has not been any concrete case
to prove Schumpeter's theory, numerous failures of great companies
have exemplified Christensen's dilemma.
Take
the computer industry as an example. IBM once dominated the
mainframe market but lagged behind for years in the minicomputer
market, although the latter is technologically simpler than
mainframes. Digital Equipment Corporation (DEC) pioneered
in the minicomputer market, closely followed by Data General,
Hewlett-Packard, Nixdorf, Prime and Wang. However, each of
those missed the emergence of the desktop personal computer
market. In this case, it was another new comer Apple Computer
that took the lead. When Apple brought its portable PC to
the market, however, it was already six years behind Compaq.
Similarly, the workstation market was created by some other
rookie players at the time, namely, Apollo, Silicon Graphics
and Sun.
A
similar story is found in the hard-disk-drive industry, the
example that Christensen has referred to again and again (Christensen,
1997). In that industry, "no single disk-drive manufacturer
has been able to dominate the industry for more than a few
years. A series of companies have entered the business and
risen to prominence, only to be toppled by newcomers who pursued
technologies that at first did not meet the needs of mainstream
customers. As a result, not one of the independent disk-drive
companies that existed in 1976 survives today." (Bower
and Christensen, 1995)
Why
do disruptive technologies cause great firms to fail? Christensen
(1997) argues that great companies are managed in the way
that makes them excellent at developing or adopting sustaining
innovations and hence succeed. However, the same set of practices
make them miss disruptive innovations and hence fail.
1.
Successful firms listen to their customers and invest aggressively
in technologies that give those customers what they say they
want. This helps those firms to attain their market dominance.
However, at the same time, this practice prevents them from
getting the right information about disruptive innovations.
A firm's current customers will naturally demand a product
that performs better than the one they are buying. A disruptive
technology usually represents a very different product that
does not provide better performance but only add more dimensions
to the existing product. For example, laptop notebooks are
not as powerful as desktop PCs; a 3.5-inch disk drive does
not have more capacity than a 5.25-inch disk drive. For this
reason, firms trying hard to serve their current customers
fail to see the importance of disruptive innovations.
2.
Successful firms seek high margins and target at large markets
rather than small ones. However, disruptive innovations usually
fit into a niche market or a market that does not exist at
all for the time being. Moreover, disruptive innovations,
although have a bright future, usually bring little or no
profit in the short term. When Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak
brought forward their Apple I to the market in 1976, only
200 units were sold to hobbyists and few people took it seriously.
They were lucky enough for not losing money, not to mention
collecting big profits. Inevitably, a giant like IBM with
an annual profit of millions would and should ignore it at
the early stage until the potential of PC was fully recognized.
In fact, IBM's stand-alone PC division later did successfully
grab a substantial piece of the pie in the emerging PC market,
which is rather an exception in the world of Innovator's dilemma.
It is worth noting that many great firms missed disruptive
innovations not because they did not have the technology,
but because they were too eager to seek something big. Seagate
Technology once was a great success in disk drive industry,
whose revenue grew to more than $700 million dollars in six
years since its inception. It was the pioneer and a big player
in the 5-inch hard-disk-drive market. Seagate had developed
their own 3.5-inch disk drive but had chosen to put it on
the shelf, because it could not bring the big profit they
expected from a new product. In the end, Seagate became only
a minor supplier of 3.5-inch disk drive when that market boomed.
Christensen
may have been indulging himself too much in the paradoxical
observation that great firms fail for the reasons they succeeded.
He neglects some inherent problems with big firms that may
be crucial in accounting for their failures to catch disruptive
innovations. These include:
3.
Disruptive innovations usually bring a new product that will
compete with the current well-marketed product, or a new organization
that will turn the existing corporate structure upside down.
Over the past two decades, perhaps there has been no high-tech
firm as successful as Microsoft. It is a common knowledge
that Microsoft's recent success is built around its dominant
operating system Windows. Is Microsoft an innovative firm?
Sure, it is. But all their innovations are sustaining in the
sense that they enhance Microsoft's Windows and its software
based on it. Any platform-independent technology such as Internet
protocols and Java software protocols will be disruptive to
Microsoft. If Microsoft develops those technologies, it is
committing suicide and choosing to be reborn. It is Microsoft's
right rather than wrong decisions to show little enthusiasm
to Internet at its early stage and to fight against Sun Microsystems
for its Java. Microsoft's huge market share prohibits itself
from developing disruptive technologies and competing with
itself. Its destiny is to be dethroned by other firms with
disruptive innovations.
The
telecommunication industry tells a long story about AT&T's
hostility to disruptive innovations. No one has doubted that
AT&T, in its early years, was doing a great job of improving
the efficiency and effectiveness of the Bell system, which
transfers voice communication over long distances through
copper lines. Research on radar during World War II made breakthroughs
in microwave transmission. To AT&T's Bell system, the
microwave technology is a radical and more efficient alternative
that employs tall towers with antennas to relay microwave
messages. Although AT&T was working on its own microwave
system, it took its time in spreading the technology over
the mass market. At the same time, AT&T lobbied Federal
Communications Commission (FCC) to keep other microwave innovators
out of the transmission market. It took a new comer Microwave
Communications, Inc. (better known as MCI now) a long fight
against AT&T to finally get FCC's authorization to provide
long distance service in 1971. Yet history repeated itself
when there came the cellular phone. The birth of the cell
phone technology traces back to AT&T's Bell Labs, but
AT&T again failed to make the cellular business. It was
Seattle's Craig McCaw who created America's first nationwide
commercial wireless network. Ironically, AT&T bought McCaw's
network in 1993, which becomes today's AT&T Wireless (Norton,
2001).
Another
example is that Barnes & Noble failed to pioneer in on-line
books and music retailing. Again, it is a "right"
decision, because if Barnes & Noble had opened that market,
it would be competing with its own physical stores. Nowadays
both Barnes & Noble and Borders have their own on-line
store, which is only a defensive measure against Amazon.com.
One feature of the high-tech industry is that the first mover
usually enjoys a big advantage over followers. Barnes &
Noble has spent a lot of money advertising its own on-line
bookstore, but is still trailing Amazon from far behind.
4.
Another reason that great firms often missed disruptive innovations
is that it is often too risky to pursue those innovations.
The triumph of disruptive innovations usually hinges on an
emerging market. It is easy to recognize an emerging market
ex post, but not ex ante. In the late 1970s, who could anticipate
the prevalence of personal computers today? A disruptive innovation,
never tested on the market, has a much higher chance of ending
up as a failed project. Even legendary venture capitalists
in Silicon Valley have to live with the cruel reality that
one in every three of their investments produces a total write-off.
Few established firms are willing to face dead programs so
frequently. So they choose to avoid such projects. For this
reason, new startups are most suitable for experimenting disruptive
innovations, because they are usually backed by venture capitals
or banks, institutions that have better ways to neutralize
risks. Think about it, the successes of Netscape and Yahoo
had covered how much loss incurred by hundreds of dead startups
in Silicon Valley?
D.
The Importance of New Firms
After building a failure framework to explain the dilemma,
Christensen (1997) spends the rest of his book advising firms
on how to avoid the dilemma. Christensen emphasizes the aspect
of the dilemma that great firms fail for the same practices
leading them to success. Therefore he sees the dilemma as
curable: firms may get around it by managing disruptive innovations
properly. I see it differently. I understand the dilemma mainly
as inherent problems in big firms, which cause them to miss
disruptive innovations due to their right (not wrong) decisions.
In this sense, I stress the role of small startups in the
development of an innovation-driven regional economy such
as Silicon Valley.
Small startups face no problems that constitute an innovator's
dilemma. A startup has no footing on any market, existing
or emerging. In many cases, the whole purpose of a new firm
is to target at a niche market or create a new market. Because
of its small size, a startup feels happy for even a small
profit. Startups, especially in the high-tech industry, usually
start with a completely new product, because there is no need
for another firm to provide mature products like Microsoft's
Windows. For this reason, a startup is usually tied with a
disruptive innovation from the very beginning. Startups have
established nearly nothing, hence they have no self-competing
problems. Startups are usually backed by risk-sharing financial
institutions, so they can live with the high risk associated
with disruptive innovations.
Professor
Christensen sees the advantage of small startups clearly.
One of the suggestions he gives to managers in successful
big firms is to "set up a separate organization small
enough to get excited by small gains." Christensen (1997)
obviously has also noticed that disruptive innovations are
often in conflict with a firm's current establishment, so
he suggests that the small organization a firm creates to
develop disruptive innovations should be separate and independent
of the firm. I wonder whether this is feasible. I don't see
how Microsoft would like to set up a small firm to overthrow
its own market dominance. It is like to exercise your left
arm so that it can be strong enough to tear off your right
leg.
Startups
adopt disruptive innovations and grow up to challenge successful
big firms' dominance. This is observed over and over again
in the history of capitalist economies. In fact, this characterizes
the exact dynamics of capitalism, which was termed as "creative
destruction" by Schumpeter. In the high-tech industry
that is driven by innovations, this dynamics takes a faster
pace than elsewhere.
A
successful firm is going to lose its market dominance if it
misses a disruptive innovation. Likewise, a high-tech industrial
center like Silicon Valley may lose its leading position if
firms in the Valley miss a wave of disruptive innovations.
As the innovator's dilemma suggests, established big firms
are slow in adopting disruptive innovations, so Silicon Valley
should depend on continuous formation of small startups to
reinvent itself. High birth rate of startups explains the
Valley's success in the past. From the earliest Hewlett-Packard
to Fairchild, to Intel and Apple, to Sun, Oracle and Silicon
Graphics, to Cisco, Netscape and Yahoo, small startups grew
up into successful big firms in Silicon Valley during every
wave of disruptive innovations in the high-tech industry.
Notice that, the reinvention of Silicon Valley was not a result
of big firms like Hewlett-Packard reinventing themselves over
and over again (Hewlett-Packard might indeed have done better
in reinventing itself than many other giants); rather, it
was a result of generations of successful startups. Behind
the generations of successes are thousands of failed startups,
through which Silicon Valley paid its tuition.
In
contrast is the industrial center along Route 128. The Boston
area, especially along Route 128, used to be the top high-tech
center led by Digital Equipment and Wang. Since they failed
to pioneer in the wave of innovations associated with personal
computer, the area has lagged far behind Silicon Valley now.
The failure of Route 128 to remake itself is different from
the fading-out of Digital Equipment and Wang. Route 128 failed
because it had no startups to grow up as leaders to replace
firms like Digital Equipment and Wang. If this can happen
to Route 128, why can't it happen to Silicon Valley?
Silicon
Valley's future will be determined by its birth rate of startups.
By continuous formation of startups, the Valley will have
a bigger chance to create the next big thing and throw other
high-tech regions further behind, or at least, to be able
to catch the next big thing and not to be overtaken by other
regions.
E.
Policy Implications for Silicon Valley
There
is no doubt that local public policies play an important role
in the formation and development of an industrial cluster.
As standard economics suggests, local government should focus
on providing public goods and facilitating coordination between
firms, activities that individual firms have no incentive
to do or capability of doing. Due to local government's limited
resources, the priorities of its policies have to be well
defined. Our analysis here suggests that public policies should
be in favor of the creation of startups in order to secure
the future of Silicon Valley as the leading high-tech center.
What the local government can do include:
1.
Help identify and promote the Silicon Valley culture. Since
the Gold Rush era, the San Francisco-San Jose area has had
a long tradition of entrepreneurial activities. As a consequence,
this area perhaps has more legendary entrepreneurs than any
other area in the country. The success of Hewlett-Packard
and Jobs-Wozniak has been an inspiration for "garage
tinkers." The "Traitorous Eight"[*] of Shockley
Semiconductor Labs have encouraged many spin-offs from great
firms. In addition, the Valley has a unique culture that risk-taking
is the norm and the stigma is not for failure but for not
trying. Local government can identify and promote this culture
by erecting statues, opening museums and historical sites,
which will help foster entrepreneurship and encourage entrepreneurial
activities.
2.
Improve quality of life. Cooper and Folta (2000) report that
one of the most important factors determining where a firm
is located is where its founder likes to live. The pleasant
climate in Silicon Valley gives the area a big advantage in
attracting entrepreneurs. Local government should have high-tech
people's needs in mind. It should improve public schools and
libraries; it should encourage a vibrant, diverse setting
for cultural activities, eating and drinking, shopping, and
entertainment; it should streamline permitting, planning,
and other government services such as fire fighting and garbage
collecting. As a result of its recent development, Silicon
Valley has established a bad reputation for expensive housing,
road congestion and high energy prices. These can scare entrepreneurs
away. Local government should try to solve those problems
and prepare for the next boom.
3.
Foster Entrepreneurship. Cooper and Folta (2000) also report
that, at the time when a person starts a firm, he or she seldom
moves. This is especially true in the high-tech industry.
Entrepreneurs do not move because they feel more familiar
with the local environment, because their spouses are holding
a job locally, or simply because it is too costly, in time
and money, to search for a right location. For this reason,
local government should expect local residents to start their
firms; it should attract potential entrepreneurs from other
places to reside in the Bay area rather than attract people
to bring their startups from elsewhere to the Valley. High-tech
firms are often founded by engineers who are not necessarily
good managers. Local government should sponsor training programs
that teach engineers basic knowledge they need to start a
firm. It should also support local universities to attract
talented people to the Valley.
4.
Adapt local regulations and laws. The administrative process
for starting a firm should be reduced and simplified to its
minimum. Local regulations and especially tax policies should
favor high-tech startups.
5.
Provide and help seek venture capital. The availability of
financial support is the most important determinant of whether
and when a person chooses to start a firm. Hellmann and Manju
(2000) find that venture capitals are more likely to finance
"innovator firms" than "imitator firms."
Silicon Valley has been the most successful area in attracting
venture capital in the past decade. Retaining this leading
position is important for the Valley's future. Depending on
political feasibility, local government may consider establishing
special funds to invest in startups; it can help organize
an "angel investor" network among local people who
have an interest in investing some of their wealth in the
high-tech industry.
F.
Conclusion
Following Schumpeter, we perceive the economy, especially
the high-tech industry, as an evolutionary process driven
by innovations and entrepreneurship. In light of the "innovator's
dilemma," we recognize that successful big firms are
excellent at developing and adopting sustaining innovations,
but are likely to ignore disruptive innovations. Moreover,
disruptive innovations are extremely important to a specialized
regional economy because those innovations bring radical and
fundamental changes to an industry. We argue that the success
of Silicon Valley in the past is achieved by its generations
of startups that have not missed any wave of disruptive innovations.
We also believe that the future of Silicon Valley hinges on
its birth rate of startups and hence suggest policies in favor
of the formation of new firms.
It
is particularly worth noting that disruptive innovations are
hard to identify ex ante. Professor Christensen and his partner
launched a mutual fund in 2000. Based on Christensen's theory,
they select stocks of companies that are considered as disruptive.
The fund, which was called the "Disruptive Growth Fund,"
was closed before its first birthday with 64% of its value
lost. It is a vivid example that nobody but the market decides
which technology is able to cause disruption. Nobody can pick
winners. If a regional economy such as Silicon Valley wants
to win the game on the market, it has to have more players.
That is, to encourage the creation of new firms.
Endnotes:
*
Eight young engineers resigned from Shockley Semiconductor
in 1957 and founded Fairchild. Many of them left Fairchild
later again to start other successful firms. Among them are
Gordon Moore and Robert Noyce who later co-founded Intel,
and Eugene Kleiner who launched the Valley's premier venture-capital
firm, Kleiner Perkins Caufield & Byers.
(The
author is a research fellow at the Public Policy Institute
of California, a non-partisan think tank located in San Francisco.
The author appreciates many invaluable comments by an editor
of Perspectives.)
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